A Movement to Restrict Social Media for Children Has Taken Hold Globally

© Jeremy Piper/Reuters


© Jeremy Piper/Reuters


Spain’s response to people displaced by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has offered a revealing look at how the country approaches immigration more broadly. Ukrainians received access to residence, employment, healthcare and education under temporary protection, while everyday integration still depends heavily on navigating Spain’s administrative system. For foreigners establishing economic, professional or personal ties with the country, that often includes obtaining a Spanish NIE number, one of the key identifiers used when dealing with public authorities and private institutions.
More than four years after the full-scale invasion began, Spain is now home to a substantial Ukrainian population. By June 2026, more than 353,000 Ukrainian nationals held valid residence or stay documentation in the country, according to Spain’s Ministry of Inclusion, Social Security and Migration. Temporary protection remains valid until March 4, 2027.
But Ukraine is only one part of a much larger immigration story.
The European Union activated temporary protection for people fleeing Ukraine in 2022, creating an exceptional framework that allowed displaced Ukrainians to establish themselves quickly across member states.
In Spain, temporary protection grants both residence and work authorization. Beneficiaries can work as employees or self-employed workers, access healthcare and use the reception system, while minors are entitled to education under the same conditions as children from the host country. The framework can currently be requested until March 4, 2027.
These measures were designed as an emergency response, but four years is long enough for temporary arrangements to become ordinary life.
People find jobs. Children enter schools. Families build social networks. Businesses hire workers who originally arrived under an emergency mechanism. Housing contracts, bank relationships and interactions with public institutions gradually replace the initial questions of immediate safety and shelter.
That process offers a useful perspective on Spanish immigration policy because integration is ultimately measured less by what happens at the border than by what becomes possible afterward.
Spain’s willingness to bring foreign residents into formal administrative status did not end with the Ukrainian response.
In 2026, the country carried out an extraordinary regularization process for foreigners already living in Spain under qualifying circumstances. Between April 16 and June 30, authorities received 1,174,978 applications.
Nearly 80% were applications based on exceptional circumstances linked to established ties in Spain, while the remainder came from applicants for international protection. About 87% of applicants were of working age, and 59.4% were younger than 34.
The nationalities involved also show how much broader this phenomenon is than any single humanitarian crisis.
Colombians represented 25.9% of applications, followed by Moroccans, Venezuelans, Peruvians and Hondurans. Two-thirds of applicants came from Central or South America.
That matters because it places Spain’s treatment of Ukrainians within a wider policy environment.
The mechanisms are different. Temporary protection for Ukrainians and extraordinary regularization for other migrants should not be treated as equivalent immigration routes. But both demonstrate a willingness to create pathways through which foreigners already connected to Spain can move into recognized legal and administrative structures.
This is where Spain can appear contradictory from the outside.
The country can adopt relatively integration-oriented immigration policies while still requiring foreigners to navigate a highly procedural administrative system.
Residence status is only one part of that system.
Foreign residents, investors, property owners, entrepreneurs and others with interests in Spain frequently encounter identification requirements, appointments, registrations, tax procedures and digital interactions with government agencies.
The NIE, or Número de Identidad de Extranjero, is one of the most visible examples. It identifies foreigners who have economic, professional or social interests connected to Spain and appears in a wide range of administrative and private transactions.
But obtaining an identification number does not itself grant residency, just as holding residence status does not eliminate all the other administrative requirements that come with establishing a life or economic connection in the country.
This distinction can be especially important for people looking at Spain from abroad.
Someone can have a reason to interact with Spanish authorities without necessarily immigrating permanently. An investor may need Spanish identification. A property buyer may encounter local administrative requirements. An entrepreneur can develop business interests in Spain while remaining resident elsewhere.
The relevant bureaucracy depends on what the person is actually trying to do.
One notable feature of Spain’s administration is how much of it now takes place electronically.
The scale of the 2026 regularization illustrated this clearly: 83.2% of applications were submitted digitally. Among online applications, professionals handled a large share, while some applicants submitted their own cases using digital certificates.
Spain’s digital certificate system allows individuals to identify themselves securely online, sign official documents and interact with government bodies without completing every procedure in person.
For someone familiar with the system, this can make administration considerably easier.
For someone approaching Spanish bureaucracy for the first time, however, digitization does not necessarily make the process intuitive. It can simply move unfamiliar forms, identification requirements and institutional terminology onto a screen.
That gap has created demand for services focused specifically on administrative navigation.
Gestoraz is a Spanish administrative-services platform that helps foreign individuals, international investors and businesses manage bureaucracy in Spain, with services including NIE and NIF applications and digital certificates. Its model is particularly relevant to people who need to establish an administrative or economic connection with Spain, including those completing Spanish procedures from abroad rather than relocating permanently.
Gestoraz is also an authorized verification point for digital certificate applications and offers an online process that does not require applicants to be physically present in Spain.
This is an important distinction when assessing Spain as an international destination. The country’s immigration environment is not only about who can move there. It is also about how foreigners interact with the state once some form of connection has been established.
Spain’s Ukrainian population makes that distinction particularly visible.
By June 2026, Ukrainian nationals with valid residence or stay documentation exceeded 353,000. Women accounted for 58% of the population, and the Ministry noted that a Ukrainian community had already been established in Spain before the full-scale invasion.
Temporary protection gave newly displaced Ukrainians an immediate legal framework.
What followed was a much more ordinary process: employment, schooling, documentation, housing and long-term decisions about whether Spain would remain temporary or gradually become home.
The same distinction applies, in a very different context, to other foreigners considering Spain.
A country may be attractive because of employment, investment opportunities, climate, culture or family connections. But the lived experience of entering a country depends partly on whether its institutions create realistic ways for newcomers to become administratively integrated.
Spain’s recent record suggests that policymakers increasingly see migration not only as a question of entry but also as one of participation in the labour market and formal society.
The 2026 regularization provides one unusually large example. By June 30, the government reported nearly 160,000 additional Social Security contributors linked to the process, with hospitality, retail, administrative services and construction among the sectors recording the largest numbers of new registrations.
None of this means that moving to Spain is straightforward, that every foreigner qualifies for residence or that Spanish immigration policy is uniformly permissive.
It does suggest something more specific.
Spain has repeatedly used administrative mechanisms to integrate large foreign populations into legal residence, employment and public systems. Its response to Ukrainians made that particularly visible because it happened rapidly and at significant scale. The 2026 regularization showed that the broader policy direction was not confined to Ukrainians.
For people elsewhere considering Spain as somewhere to live, work, invest or build a longer-term economic connection, that distinction may matter.
Spain can be institutionally receptive while remaining bureaucratically demanding.
The Ukrainian experience demonstrates the first half of that equation particularly clearly. The paperwork encountered by anyone who subsequently tries to establish an ordinary life, investment or business connection with the country demonstrates the second.
Understanding both offers a more useful picture of Spain than either describing it as simply “open” to immigration or reducing the experience to its administrative hurdles.
The country’s recent record suggests that access and bureaucracy are not opposites in the Spanish system.
Very often, they arrive together.


Fire has destroyed the Kherson apartment of Mariano García Calatayud, the Spanish volunteer, who was abducted by Russian forces during the occupation of the city in 2022. His partner, Tetiana Marina, told ZMINA she received two videos from neighbors that morning, the first showing her apartment alight and the second showing the fire spreading through the building.
Calatayud is one case in a system of civilian captivity that Russia does not acknowledge. Ukraine's ombudsman estimates Russia holds up to 20,000 Ukrainian civilians, with confirmed identities for only a fraction. Russia has never charged Calatayud with a crime, never allowed him a lawyer or contact with his family, and for more than three and a half years has declined to confirm it holds him at all.
The building stands at the start of Yevropeiska Street, formerly Suvorova, roughly 500 to 700 meters from the Dnipro, Marina said. Police have recorded the damage. She does not know what caused the fire and suspects a Russian drone.
"In the first, I saw clearly that only my apartment was engulfed. In the second, I saw that all the apartments in the video had burned," Marina said.
She is still trying to reach a neighbor, Iryna, who had been sleeping in a bomb shelter because of the shelling.
- "I still do not know what happened, but everything burned. It does look like a drone," she said.
Calatayud ran the road construction department at Valencia city hall before retiring. He moved to Ukraine in 2014, collected humanitarian aid from several countries and delivered it to Marinka and Krasnohorivka in Donetsk Oblast, and worked with orphanages.
Marina explained his reason to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. Under Franco, many children of repressed Spaniards were sent to Ukraine, to Odesa. His mother's family was among the repressed.
"That is why he went to Ukraine in 2014, to, as he put it, repay a debt to Ukraine," she said.
When Russian forces took Kherson, he stayed. He could have left for Spain, but did not.
On 19 March 2022, Calatayud attended a pro-Ukrainian rally. Two men in balaclavas seized him at his own entrance, handcuffed him, put him in a dark blue minibus, and drove him to the occupation administration, Marina said.
He was held in Simferopol pre-trial detention center No. 2. According to other civilian hostages, he was beaten and subjected to electric shocks while in detention. They also described inhumane conditions and a lack of proper medical care. He suffered a heart attack in custody.
In December 2023, Russia reported Calatayud's transfer to Kherson Oblast, the Media Initiative for Human Rights reported. Spain proposed exchanging him for a Russian prisoner of war, and Russia refused. The Red Cross is searching for him in penal colonies, including in Siberia.
Russian military bloggers listed him in a database of foreign fighters, claiming he had joined Kherson's territorial defense. He never carried a weapon in the city, his wife said.

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© Photograph: Chedly Ben Ibrahim/NurPhoto via Getty Images

© Photograph: Chedly Ben Ibrahim/NurPhoto via Getty Images

© Photograph: Chedly Ben Ibrahim/NurPhoto via Getty Images


A delegation from the Spanish Santa Clara Convent Foundation, with Sister Lucía Caram, visited Ukraine on its most important day. It handed an ambulance, a pickup, and five cars to the 11th Border Detachment, the "Forpost" brigade holding one of the hardest sectors in Kharkiv Oblast, the State Border Guard Service reported.
The vehicles are the visible part of a medical channel. Sister Lucía Caram, based in Manresa, delivered its 45th convoy to Kyiv this week, according to Atalayar.
Acting Border Guard Service head Major General Valerii Vavryniuk met the delegation alongside a simultaneous video call with Spanish Defense Minister Margarita Robles.
Two commitments came out of it. The border service is to continue rehabilitating severely wounded border guards in Spanish medical facilities, and to begin advanced training for its own surgeons in reconstructive surgery.
Caram raised an initiative by the HANSEN Ukrainian Mission, which offered partnership support in housing families who lost their homes to fighting in the east.
The two sides also discussed rehabilitation more broadly for border guards wounded in combat. Vavryniuk thanked Caram and Spain for the aid programs.
Before the meeting, Caram and the head of the 10th Mobile Border Detachment laid flowers at the Nebesnyi Dozor monument in Kyiv's Darnytskyi district. She also attended Ukraine's National Prayer Breakfast, the annual interfaith event bringing together political, religious, and civic figures.
Earlier, Robles announced Spain would transfer 100 VAMTAC armored tactical vehicles to Ukraine, along with a batch of 155 mm artillery shells.
In March, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez announced a new €1 billion military aid package for Ukraine for 2026. Part of the aid, financed through the EU SAFE instrument, was intended to support the development of joint production within Ukraine’s defense industry.


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Spain has rejected a U.S.-backed proposal for NATO members to raise defense spending to 5% of GDP, becoming the first alliance country to oppose the plan, Reuters reported on June 19.
The rejection adds pressure to the transatlantic debate ahead of the NATO summit in The Hague on June 24–25, which has beenreduced to a single session focused on defense spending and alliance capabilities.
In a letter to NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez called the proposed target "unreasonable" and warned it would undermine broader European efforts to build an integrated defense ecosystem.
"Committing to a 5% target would not only be unreasonable, but also counterproductive," Sanchez wrote, arguing it would "move Spain further away from optimal spending."
Spain estimates that its armed forces require spending equal to 2.1% of GDP to meet national military objectives, below the U.S.-endorsed threshold but above NATO's 2% benchmark.
U.S. President Donald Trump has repeatedly accused NATO members of underfunding their militaries, pushing for raising defense spending benchmark to 5% of GDP.
While no other NATO members have formally rejected the proposal, most have remained noncommittal. Poland, the Netherlands, and Sweden have expressed willingness to consider the 5% target.
In 2024, only 23 alliance members met the 2% target, according to NATO estimates. Poland was ahead of all members with 4.12% of GDP allocated to defense, followed by Estonia (3.43%) and the U.S. (3.38%).
Rutte said on June 17 that all NATO countries are on track to meet the 2% threshold in 2025.
Spain, governed by a Socialist-led coalition, maintains a sharply different defense posture than the U.S. administration.
While Madrid supports Ukraine, it has taken a more cautious stance on the Middle East, including distancing itself from U.S. policy on Israel.
